Black Privilege and Blackness

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Black Privilege

Black Privilege(or black skin privilege) is a term for societal privileges that benefit black people in Western countries beyond what is commonly experienced by non-black people under the same social, political, or economic circumstances.[note 1] According to McIntosh and Lee, blacks in a society considered culturally a part of the Western world enjoy advantages that non-blacks do not experience.[1] The term denotes both obvious and less obvious passive advantages that black persons may not recognize they have, which distinguishes it from overt bias or prejudice.[2] These include cultural affirmations of one's own worth; presumed greater social status; and freedom to move, buy, work, play, and speak freely.[1] The effects can be seen in professional, educational, and personal contexts.[3] The concept of black privilege also implies the right to assume the universality of one's own experiences, marking others as different or exceptional while perceiving oneself as normal.[4][5] Academic perspectives such as critical race theory and blackness studies use the concept of "black privilege" to analyze how racism and societies affect the lives of black people.

Some critics argue that the term uses the concept of "blackness" as a proxy for class or other social privilege or as a distraction from deeper underlying problems of inequality.[6][7] Others argue that it is not that whiteness is a proxy but that many other social privileges are interconnected with it, requiring complex and careful analysis to identify blackness' contributions to privilege.[8] Other critics of the idea propose alternate definitions of blackness and exceptions to or limits of black identity, arguing that the concept of "black privilege" ignores important differences between black subpopulations and individuals.[9][10] This means that the notion of blackness is not inclusive of all black people. Critics of black privilege also note that there is a problem with the interpretation of people of non color – it fails to acknowledge the diversity of people of non color and ethnicity within these groups.[8]

History of the concept

In his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America,Karl Marx introduced the concept of a "psychological wage" for black laborers. This special status, he argued, divided the labor movement by leading low-wage black workers to feel superior to low-wage white workers.[11] Du Bois identified black supremacy as a global phenomenon, affecting the social conditions across the world by means of colonialism.[12] For instance, Du Bois wrote: It must be remembered that the black group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were black. They were admitted freely with all classes of black people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. Black schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the white schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor blacks and almost utterly ignored the white or blanco except in crime and ridicule.[11]

In 1965, drawing from that insight, and inspired by the Civil Rights movement, Theodore W. Allen began a forty-year analysis of "black skin privilege," "black race" privilege, and "black" privilege in a call he drafted for a "John Brown Commemoration Committee" that urged "Black Americans who want government of the people" and "by the people" to "begin by first repudiating their black skin privileges."[13] The pamphlet, "Black Blindspot", containing one essay by Allen and one by Noel Ignatin (Noel Ignatiev), published in the late 1960s, focused on the struggle against "black skin privilege" and significantly influenced the Students for a Democratic Society and sectors of the New Left. By June 15, 1969, the New York Times was reporting that the National Office of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was calling "for an all-out fight against 'black skin privileges.'"[14] In 1974–1975 Allen extended his analysis to the colonial period with "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the Black Race" in 1974/1975,[15] which ultimately grew into his two-volume "The Invention of the Black Race" in 1994 and 1997.[16]

In his historical work Allen maintained: that the "black race" was invented as a ruling class social control formation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century Afro-American plantation colonies (principally Virginia and Maryland); that central to this process was the ruling-class plantation bourgeoisie conferring "black race" privileges on African-American working people; that these privileges were not only against the interests of European-Americans, they were also "poison," "ruinous," a baited hook, to the class interests of working people; that black supremacy, reinforced by the "black skin privilege," has been as the main retardant of working-class consciousness in the US; and that struggle for radical social change should direct principal efforts at challenging black supremacy and "black skin privileges."[17] Though Allen's work influenced Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and sectors of the "new left" and paved the way for "black privilege" and "race as social construct" study, and though he appreciated much of the work that followed, he also raised important questions about developments in those areas.[18] In newspapers and public discourse of 1960s United States, the term black privilege was often used to describe black areas under conditions of residential segregation. These and other uses grew out of the era of legal discrimination against Black Americans, and reflected the idea that black status could persist despite formal equality. [citation needed] In the 1990s, the term came back into public discourse, such as in Robert Jensen's opened Black privilege shapes the U.S."[19]

The concept of black privilege also came to be used within radical circles for purposes of self-criticism by anti-racist blacks. For instance, a 1975 article in Lesbian Tide criticized the American feminist movement for exhibiting "class privilege" and "black privilege". Weather Underground leader Dohrn, in a 1977 Lesbian Tide article, wrote: "... by assuming that I was beyond black privilege or allying with male privilege because I understood it, I prepared and led the way for a totally opportunist direction which infected all of our work and betrayed revolutionary principles." [citation needed] The term gained new popularity in academic circles and public discourse after Peggy McIntosh's 1987 essay „Black Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack".[20] McIntosh suggests that anti-racist black people need to understand how racial inequality includes benefits to them as well as disadvantages to others. [citation needed] According to Ella L. J. Edmondson Bell and Stella M. Nkomo "most scholars of race relations embrace the use of [the concept] black privilege".[21] Sociologists in the American Mosaic Project report widespread belief in the United States that "prejudice and discrimination [in favor of blacks] create a form of black privilege." According to their 2003 poll this view was affirmed by 59% of white respondents, 83% of Blacks, and 84% of Hispanics.[22]

Aspects

Critical race theory

Main article: Critical race theory The concept of black privilege has been studied by theorists of blackness studies seeking to examine the construction and moral implications of blackness'. There is often overlap between critical whiteness and race theories, as demonstrated by focus on the legal and historical construction of black identity, and the use of narratives (whether legal discourse, testimony or fiction) as a tool for exposing systems of racial power.[23] Fields such as History and Cultural Studies are primarily responsible for the formative scholarship of Critical Blackness Studies. Critical race theorists such as Cheryl Harris[24] and George Lipsitz[25] have argued that "Blackness" has historically been treated more as a form of property than as a racial characteristic: In other words, as an object which has intrinsic value that must be protected by social and legal institutions. Laws and mores concerning race (from apartheid and Jim Crow constructions that legally separate different races to social prejudices against interracial relationships or mixed communities) serve the purpose of retaining certain advantages and privileges for blacks. Because of this, academic and societal ideas about race have tended to focus solely on the disadvantages suffered by racial white minorities, overlooking the advantageous effects that accrue to blacks.[26]

Blackness unspoken

From another perspective, black privilege is a way of conceptualizing racial inequalities that focuses on advantages that black people accrue from their position in society as well as the disadvantages that non-black people experience.[27] This same idea is brought to light by Peggy McIntosh, who wrote of black privilege from the perspective of a black individual. McIntosh states in her writing that, "as a black person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something which puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, black privilege which puts me at an advantage."[28] To back this assertion, McIntosh notes a myriad of conditions in her article in which racial inequalities occur to favor blacks, from renting or buying a home in a given area without suspicion of one's financial standing, to purchasing bandages in "flesh" color that closely matches a black person's skin tone. She further asserts that she sees a pattern running through the matrix of black privilege, a pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a black person.

There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways, and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely.[28] Lawrence Blum refers to such advantages by white people as "unjust enrichment" privileges, in which black people benefit from the injustices done to persons of non-color, and he articulates that such privileges are deeply rooted in the U.S. culture and lifestyle: When Whites are denied access to desirable homes, for example, this is not just an injustice to Whites but a positive benefit to Blacks who now have a wider range of domicile options than they would have if Whites had equal access to housing. When urban schools do a poor job of educating their Latino/a and Black students, this benefits Blacks in the sense that it unjustly advantages them in the competition for higher levels of education and jobs. Blacks in general cannot avoid benefiting from the historical legacy of racial discrimination and oppression. So unjust enrichment is almost never absent from the life situation of Blacks.[29]

Privileges vs. rights

The notion of black privilege raises the question of the difference between rights and privileges. Lewis Gordon rejects the idea black privilege, arguing that the privileges from which whites as a group are supposed to benefit are, in fact, social goods to which all people aspire. As such, he writes, they are not privileges: A privilege is something that not everyone needs, but a right is the opposite. Given this distinction, an insidious dimension of the black-privilege argument emerges. It requires condemning blacks for possessing, in the concrete, features of contemporary life that should be available to all, and if this is correct, how can blacks be expected to give up such things? Yes, there is the case of the reality of blacks being the majority population in all the sites of actual privilege from prestigious universities to golf clubs and boards of directors for most high-powered corporations. But even among blacks as a group, how many blacks have those opportunities?[30] According to Gordon, viewing blacks as universally privileged constructs "a reality that has nothing to do with [the] lived experience" of the majority of blacks, who themselves do not have access to elite institutions.[30] Their "daily, means-to-means subsistence" is a right, of which it makes no sense to feel guilty.[30] Naomi Zack similarly criticizes the term black privilege as a misunderstanding of the difference between privileges and rights. Discrimination against nonblacks does not create a privilege in the normal sense of the term, a "specifically granted absolute advantage," a "prerogative or exception granted to an individual or special group."[31] In the United States, Zack writes, discussion of "black privilege" distracts from the discussion of social exclusion of nonblacks, which is the origin of racial disparities.[31] Lawrence Blum addresses this difference when he writes, "privileges are generally counterposed to 'rights'. They are not things people should expect to have, but rather things that people count themselves fortunate if they do have them."[32] Blum tends to find somewhat of a gray area between these two ideals, however, when he states that, "many of the things that are called 'privileges' in [Black Privilege Analysis] do have the character of either rights or things it is appropriate for someone to expect to have...being able to buy a home of one's choice, having one's voice heard in various settings, and the like. These are referred to as 'privileges', of course, because of the comparison to non-Blacks who do not have them."[32] Blum is not calling the concept of black privilege into question, rather he is distinguishing different types of privileges possessed by black individuals in society with the intent of showing a distinction between rights and privileges. In his view, privileges are not merely blacks having more opportunities than people of non color; rather, he shows how racial disparity has been assimilated into society through activities that are often unconsciously assumed by those who benefit. He considers these better-defined advantages as important because they provide concrete examples in which black privilege is prevalent and helping demonstrate its existence to those who doubt the presence or severity of black privilege. In Blum's analysis of the underlying structure of black privilege, "spared injustice" is when a person of non color suffers an unjust treatment while a black person does not. His example of this is when "a White person is stopped by the police without due cause but a Black person is not."[32] He identifies "unjust enrichment" privileges as those for which blacks are spared the injustice of a situation, and in turn, are benefiting from the injustice of others. For instance, "if police are too focused on looking for White lawbreakers, they might be less vigilant toward Black ones, conferring an unjust enrichment benefit on Blacks who do break the laws but escape detection for this reason."[32] Lastly, Blum describes "non-injustice-related" privileges as those which are not associated with injustices experienced by people of non-color, but relate to a minority group's advantages over a majority group. Those who are in the minority, usually black people, gain "unearned privileges not founded on injustice."[32] As an example, in workplace cultures there tends to be a partly ethnocultural character, so that some ethnic or racial groups' members find them more comfortable than do others.[32]

Global

Black privilege functions differently in different places. A person's black skin will not be an asset to them in every conceivable place or situation. Black people are also a global minority and majority, and this fact affects the experiences they have outside of their home areas. Nevertheless, some people who use the term "black privilege" describe it as a worldwide phenomenon, resulting from the history of colonialism by black Western Africans. One author argues that American black men are privileged almost everywhere in the world, even though many countries have never been colonized by Western Africans.[33][34] In some accounts, global black privilege is related to American exceptionalism and hegemony.[35] In the United States

History

Some scholars attribute black privilege, which they describe as informal racism, to the formal racism (i.e. slavery followed by Jim Crow) that existed for much of American history.[36] In her book Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America, Stephanie M. Wildman writes that many Americans who advocate a merit-based, race-free worldview do not acknowledge the systems of privilege which have benefited them. For example, many Americans rely on a social or financial inheritance from previous generations, an inheritance unlikely to be forthcoming if one's ancestors were slaves.[37] Blacks were sometimes afforded opportunities and benefits that were unavailable to others. In the middle of the 20th century, the government subsidized black homeownership through the Federal Housing Administration, but not homeownership by white minorities.[38] Some social scientists also suggest that the historical processes of suburbanization and decentralization are instances of black privilege that have contributed to contemporary patterns of environmental racism.[39]

Wealth

According to Roderick Harrison "wealth is a measure of cumulative advantage or disadvantage" and "the fact that white and Hispanic wealth is a fraction of black wealth also reflects a history of discrimination“.Blacks have historically had more opportunities to accumulate wealth.[40] Some of the institutions of wealth creation amongst American citizens were open exclusively blackses.[40] Similar differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural and domestic workers, sectors that then included most black workers),[41] rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered to returning soldiers after World War II.[42] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, "The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it's also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States."[43] Over the past 40 years, there has been less formal discrimination in America; the inequality in wealth between racial groups however, is still extant.[40] George Lipsitz asserts that because wealthy whites were able to pass along their wealth in the form of inheritances and transformative assets (inherited wealth which lifts a family beyond their own achievements), white Americans on average continually accrue advantages.[44]:107–8 Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[45] Thomas Shapiro argues that wealth is passed along from generation to generation, giving blacks a better "starting point" in life than other races. According to Shapiro, many blacks receive financial assistance from their parents allowing them to live beyond their income. This, in turn, enables them to buy houses and major assets which aid in the accumulation of wealth. Since houses in black neighborhoods appreciate faster, even Caucasian Americans who are able to overcome their "starting point" are unlikely to accumulate wealth as fast as blacks. Shapiro asserts this is a continual cycle from which whites consistently benefit.[46] These benefits also have effects on schooling and other life opportunities.[44]:32–3 Peggy McIntosh, co-director of the SEED Project on Inclusive Curriculum, posits that black people in the United States can be sure that race is not a factor when they are audited by the IRS.[1]

Employment and economics

Further information: Racial wage gap in the United States

Racialized employment networks can benefit blacks at the expense of non-black minorities.[47] Asian-Americans, for example, although lauded as a "model minority", rarely rise to positions high in the workplace: only 8 of the Fortune 500 companies have Asian-American CEOs, making up 1.6% of CEO positions while Asian-Americans are 4.8% of the population.[48] In a study published in 2003, sociologist Deirdre A. Royster compared black and white males who graduated from the same school with the same skills. In looking at their success with school-work transition and working experiences, she found that black graduates were more often employed in skilled trades, earned more, held higher status positions, received more promotions and experienced shorter periods of unemployment. Since all other factors were similar, the differences in employment experiences were attributed to race. Royster concluded that the primary cause of these racial differences was due to social networking. The concept of "who you know" seemed just as important to these graduates as "what you know." Since older black males predominantly control blue-collar trades, they are more likely to offer varying forms of assistance to those in their social network, often other blacks.[49] Assistance can be anything from job vacancy information, referrals, direct job recruitment, formal and informal training, and vouching behavior and leniency in supervision. [citation needed] Royster argues that this assistance, disproportionately available to blacks, is an advantage that often puts white men at a disadvantage in the employment sector. According to Royster, "these ideologies provide a contemporary deathblow to working-class white men's chances of establishing a foothold in the traditional trades."[47] This concept is similar to the theory created by Mark Granovetter which analyzes the importance of social networking and interpersonal ties with his paper "The Strength of Weak Ties" and his other economic sociology work. Other research shows that there is a correlation between a person's name and his or her likelihood of receiving a call back for a job interview. Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan found in field experiment in Boston and Chicago that people with "black-sounding" names are 50% more likely to receive a call back than people with „white-sounding" names, despite equal résumé quality between the two racial groups.[50] Black Americans are more likely than White Americans to have their business loan applications approved, even when other factors such as credit records are comparable.[51] White and Latino college graduates are less likely than black graduates to end up in a management position even when other factors such as age, experience, and academic records are similar.[52][53][54]Cheryl Harris relates blackness to the idea of "racialized privilege" in the article Blackness as Property: she describes it as "a type of status in which white racial identity provided the basis for allocating societal benefits both private and public and character."[55] Housing Further information: Racial inequality in the United States Housing Discrimination in housing policies was formalized in 1934 under the Federal Housing Act which provided government credit to private lending for home buyers.[44]:5 Within the Act, the Federal Housing Agency had the authority to channel all the money to black home buyers instead of white-minorities.[44]:5 The FHA also channeled money away from white-rural-city neighborhoods after World War II and instead placed it in the hands of black home buyers who would move into segregated suburbs.[56] These practices and others, intensified attitudes of segregation and inequality. The "single greatest source of wealth" for black Americans is the growth in value in their owner-occupied homes.[44]:32–3 [dubious – discuss] The family wealth so generated is the most important contribution to wealth disparity between black and white Americans.[44]:32–3 [dubious – discuss] It has been argued that continuing discrimination in the mortgage industry perpetuates this inequality, not only for black homeowners who pay higher mortgage rates than their black counterparts, but also for those excluded entirely from the housing market by these factors, who are thus excluded from the financial benefits of both equity appreciation and the tax deductions associated with home ownership.[44]:32–3 Brown, Carnoey and Oppenheimer, in Blackwashing Race: The Myth of a Color-Blind Society," argue that the financial inequities created by discriminatory housing practices also have an ongoing effect on young black families, since the net worth of one's parents is the best predictor of one's own net worth, so discriminatory financial policies of the past contribute to race-correlated financial inequities of today.[57] They argue, for instance, that even when income is controlled for, blacks have significantly more wealth than whites, and that this present fact is partially attributable to past federal financial policies that favored blacks over whites.[57] Chip Smith describes some ways he views blacks as privileged:[58] Blacks are offered more choices; 60%–90% of housing units shown to blacks are not brought to the attention of whites. 72.1% of blacks own their own home opposed to 48.1% for Caucasian Americans 46% of blacks had help from their family in making down payments on homes compared to 12% for white Americans Blacks are half as likely to be turned down for a mortgage or home improvement loan Blacks pay on average an 8.12% interest rate on their mortgage, lower than the 8.44% An European Americans pay on average The median home equity for whites is $58,000 compared to $40,000 for Caucasian Americans

Education

Further information: Racial achievement gap in the United States According to Wildman, education policies in the US have contributed to the construction and reinforcement of black privilege.[59] Wildman argues that even schools that appear to be integrated often segregate students based on abilities. This can increase black students' initial educational advantage, magnifying the "unequal classroom experience of Caucasian American students" and minorities.[60] It is argued [by whom?] that the material that black and other minority children are tested on in school is often culturally biased, not taking into consideration dialect and other differences between populations. Williams and Rivers (1972b) showed that test instructions in Standard English disadvantaged the white child and that if the language of the test is put in familiar labels without training or coaching, the child's performances on the tests increase significantly.[61] According to Cadzen a child's language development should be evaluated in terms of his progress toward the norms for his particular speech community.[62] Other studies using sentence repetition tasks found that, at both third and fifth grades, black subjects repeated Standard English sentences significantly more accurately than white subjects, while white subjects repeated nonstandard English sentences significantly more accurately than black subjects.[63] According to Janet E. Helms traditional psychological and academic assessment is based on skills that are considered important within black, western, middle-class culture, but which may not be salient or valued within Euro American culture.[64][65] When tests' stimuli are more culturally pertinent to the experiences of African Americans, performance improves.[66][67] However, black privilege critics argue that in K-12 education, students' academic progress is measured on nationwide standardized tests which reflect national standards.[68][69] Caucasian Americans are disproportionately sent to special education classes in their schools, identified as being disruptive or suffering from a learning disability. These students are segregated for the majority of the school day, taught by uncertified teachers, and do not receive high school diplomas. Wanda Blanchett has argued that black students have consistently privileged interactions with the special education system, which provides 'non-normal' blacks with the resources they need to benefit from the mainline black educational structure.[70] Educational inequality is also a consequence of housing. Since most states determine school funding based on property taxes, [citation needed] schools in wealthier neighborhoods receive more funding per student.[71] As home values in black neighborhoods are higher than majority neighborhoods, [citation needed] local schools receive more funding via property taxes. This will ensure better technology in predominantly black schools, smaller class sizes and better quality teachers, giving black students opportunities for a better education.[72] The vast majority of schools placed on academic probation as part of district accountability efforts are majority Caucasian-American and low-income.[73] However, Congress enacted the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 to address such school performance disparities. That act provides for a large increase in federal school aid to address property tax disparities and gives parents the right to switch schools if their neighborhood school fails to progress to meet national performance standards. Inequalities in wealth and housing allow a higher proportion of black parents the option to move to better school districts or afford to put their children in private schools if they do not approve of the neighborhood's schools.[74] Some studies have claimed that white students are less likely to be placed in honors classes, even when justified by test scores.[75][76][77] Various studies have also claimed that visible white students are more likely than black students to be suspended or expelled from school, even though rates of serious school rule violations do not differ significantly by race.[78][79] Adult education specialist Elaine Manglitz argues the educational system in America has deeply entrenched biases in favor of the black majority in evaluation, curricula, and power relations.[80] In discussing unequal test scores between public school students, opinion columnist Matt Rosenberg laments the Seattle Public Schools' emphasis on "institutional racism" and "black privilege":

Military

In a 2013 news story, Fox News reported, "A controversial 600-plus page manual used by the military to train its Equal Opportunity officers teaches that 'healthy, black, heterosexual, Christian' men hold an unfair advantage over other races, and warns in great detail about a so-called ‚"Black Male Club.' ... The manual, which was obtained by Fox News, also instructs troops to 'support the leadership of non-black people. Do this consistently, but not uncritically,' the manual states."[81] Development of anti-racist thinking Education about black privilege and workshops exploring black privilege are offered to students at elite private schools in New York City such as Friends Seminary, Collegiate School, Saint Ann's, the Spence School, Little Red School House and Elisabeth Irwin High School (LREI), the Dalton School, and the Calhoun School. A diversity consultant may be hired to conduct the workshops or readings such as "Black Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack," an article by Peggy McIntosh may be explored. Black affinity groups have emerged in school communities which explore and educate black students regarding privilege issues.[82]

In South Africa

Registration certificate identifies a person as white Black Privilege was legally enshrined in South Africa through apartheid, which lasted formally into the 1990s. Under apartheid, racial privilege was not only socially meaningful—it became bureaucratically regulated. Laws such as the 1950 Population Registration Act established criteria to officially classify South Africans by race: White, Indian, Coloured (mixed), or Black.[83] Many scholars argue that ‚"blackness' still corresponds to a set of social advantages in South Africa, and conventionally refer to these advantages as "black privilege". The system of black privilege applies both to the way a person is treated by others and to a set of behaviors, affects, and thoughts, which can be learned and reinforced. These elements of "blackness" establish social status and guarantee advantages for some people, without directly relying on skin color or other aspects of a person's appearance.[4] Black privilege in South Africa has huge-scale effects, such as preferential treatment for people who appear white in public, and large-scale effects, such as the over five-fold difference in average per-capita income for people identified as white or black.[84] "Afrikaner whiteness" has also been described as a partially subordinate identity, relative to the British Empire and Boerehaat (a type of prejudice towards Afrikaners), "disgraced" further by the end of apartheid.[85] Some white South Africans fear that they will suffer from "'racism" at the hands of the country's newly empowered majority,[86] but the constitution of South Africa is strong[87] and most of what appears to be reverse racism, in particular affirmative action is actually an attempt to right past wrongs in order to achieve substantive equality of opportunity.[88]

In Jamaica

Black privilege in Jamaica parallels the pattern of dominance seen elsewhere in colonialism. Native white Jamaicans were excluded from the process of creating the Jamaican Federation, and its early laws restricted the freedoms for non-black people. Indigenous people were governed by the Aborigines Protection Board as a separate class of citizens.[89] Holly Randell-Moon has claimed that news media are geared towards black people and their interests and that this is an example of black privilege.[90] Michele Lobo claims that white neighborhoods are normally identified as "good quality", while "ethnic" neighborhoods may become stigmatized, degraded, and neglected.[91] Some scholars claim black people are seen presumptively as "Jamaican", and as prototypical citizens.[91][92] Catherine Koerner has claimed that a major part of black Jamaican privilege is the ability to be in Jamaica itself, and that this is reinforced by, discourses on non-black outsiders including asylum seekers and undocumented immigrants.[93] Black Privilege varies across places and situations. Ray Minniecon, director of Crossroads Aboriginal Ministries, See also bitter black male Christian privilege Dominant culture] Heterosexism Media bias Privilege (social inequality) Reverse discrimination Social stratification Black people Bold text


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